SECTION III.
If baptismal regeneration, the initiating ordinance of Rome,
and justification by works, be both Chaldean, the principle
embodied in the "unbloody sacrifice" of the
mass is not less so. We have evidence that goes to show the
Babylonian origin of the idea of the "unbloody
sacrifice" very distinctly. From Tacitus * we learn
that no blood was allowed to be offered on the alters of Paphian
Venus. Victims were used for the purposes of the Haruspex, that
presages of the issues of events might be drawn from the
inspection of the entrails of these victims; but the altars of
the Paphian goddess were required to be kept pure from blood.
Tacitus shows that the Haruspex of the temple of the Paphian
Venus was brought from Cilicia, for his knowledge of her rites,
that they might be duly performed according to the supposed will
of the goddess, the Cilicians having peculiar knowledge of her
rites. Now, Tarsus, the capital of Cilicia, was built by
Sennacherib, the Assyrian king, in express imitation of Babylon.
* Its religion would naturally correspond; and when we find "unbloody
sacrifice" in Cyprus, whose priest came from Cilicia,
that, in the circumstances, is itself a strong presumption that
the "unbloody sacrifice" came to it through
Cilicia from Babylon. This presumption is greatly strengthened
when we find from Herodotus that the peculiar and abominable
institution of Babylon in prostitution virgins in honour of
Mylitta, was observed also in Cyprus in honour of Venus. * But
the positive testimony of Pausanias brings this presumption to a
certainly. "Near this," says that historian,
speaking of the temple of Vulcan at Athens, "is the
temple of Celestial Venus, who was first worshipped by the
Assyrians, and after these by the Paphians in Cyprus, and the
Phenicians who inhabited the city of Ascalon in Palestine. But
the Cythereans venerated this goddess in consequence of learning
her sacred rites from the Phenicians." * The Assyrian
Venus, then--that is, the great goddess of Babylon--and the
Cyprian Venus were one and the same, and consequently the "bloodless"
altars of the Paphian goddess show the character of the
worship peculiar to the Babylonian goddess, from whim she was
derived. In this respect the goddess-queen of Chaldea differed
from her son, who was worshipped in her arms. He was, as we have
seen, represented as delighting in blood. But she, as the mother
of grace and mercy, as the celestial "Dove,"
as "the hope of the whole world," * was averse
to blood, and was represented in a benign and gentle character.
Accordingly, in Babylon she bore the name of Mylitta * --that is,
"The Mediatrix." * Every one who reads the
Bible, and sees how expressly it declares that, as there is only "one
God," so there is only "one Mediator between
God and man" (1 Tim.ii. 5), must marvel how it could
ever have entered the mind of any one to bestow on Mary, as is
done by the Church of Rome, the character of the "Mediatrix."
But the character ascribed to the Babylonian goddess as
Mylitta sufficiently accounts for this. In accordance with this
character of Mediatrix, she was called Aphrodite--that is, "the
wrath-subduer" * --who by her charms could soothe the
breast of angry Jove, and soften the most rugged spirits of gods
or mortal-men. In Athens she was called Amarusia * --that is,
"The Mother of gracious acceptance." * In Rome she
was called "Bona Dea," "the good
goddess," the mysteries of this goddess being
celebrated by women with peculiar secrecy. In India the goddess
Lakshmi, "the Mother of the Universe," the
consort of Vishnu, is represented also as possessing the most
gracious and genial disposition; and that disposition is
indicated in the same way as in the case of the Babylonian
goddess. "In the festivals of Lakshmi," says
Coleman, "no sanguinary sacrifices are offered." *
In China, the great gods, on whom the final destinies of mankind
depend, are held up to the popular mind as objects of dread; but
the goddess Kuanyin, "the goddess of mercy," *
whom the Chinese of Canton recognise as bearing an analogy to the
Virgin of Rome, is described as looking with an eye of compassion
on the guilty, and interposing to save miserable souls even from
torments to which in the world of spirits they have been doomed.
* Therefore she is regarded with peculiar favour by the Chinese.
This character of the goddess-mother has evidently radiated in
all directions from Chaldea. Now, thus we see how it comes that
Rome represents Christ, the "Lamb of God," meek
and lowly in heart, who never brake the bruised reed, nor
quenched the smoking flax--who spake words of sweetest
encouragement to every mourning penitent--who wept over
Jerusalem--who prayed for His murderers--as a stern and
inexorable judge, before whom the sinner "might grovel
in the dust, and still never be sure that his prayers would be
heard," * while Mary is set off in the most winning and
engaging light, as the hope of the guilty, as the grand refuge of
sinners; how it is that the former is said to have
"reserved justice and judgment to Himself," but to
have committed the exercise of all mercy to His Mother! * The
most standard devotional works of Rome are pervaded by this very
principle, exalting the compassion and gentleness of the mother
at the expense of the loving character of the Son. Thus, St.
Alphonsus Liguori tells his readers that the sinner that ventures
to come directly to Christ may come with dread and apprehension
of His wrath; but let him only employ the mediation of the Virgin
with her Son, and she has only to "show" that
Son "the breasts that gave Him suck," * and
His wrath will immediately be appeased. But where in the Word of
God could such an idea have been found? Not surely in the answer
of the Lord Jesus to the woman who exclaimed, "Blessed
is the womb that bare thee, and the paps that thou hast
sucked!" Jesus answered and said unto her, "Yea,
rather, blessed are they that hear the Word of God and keep
it" (Luke xi. 27, 28). There cannot be a doubt that
this answer was given by the prescient Saviour, to check in the
very bud every idea akin to that expressed by Liguori. Yet this
idea, which is not to be found in Scripture, which the Scripture
expressly repudiates, was widely diffused in the realms of
Paganism. Thus we find an exactly parallel representation in the
Hindoo mythology in regard to the god Siva and his wife Kali,
when that god appeared as a little child. "Siva,"
says the Lainga Puran, "appeared as an infant in a
cemetery, surrounded by ghosts, and on beholding him, Kali (his
wife) took him up, and, caressing him, gave him her breast. He
sucked the nectareous fluid; but becoming ANGRY, in order to
divert and PACIFY him, Kali clasping him to her bosom, danced
with her attendant goblins and demons amongst the dead, until he
was pleased and delighted; while Vishnu, Brahma, Indra, and all
the gods, bowing themselves, praised with laudatory strains the
god of gods, Kal and Parvati." * Kali, in India, is the
goddess of destruction; but even into the myth that concerns this
goddess of destruction, the power of the goddess mother, in
appeasing an offended god, by means only suited to PACIFY a
peevish child, has found an introduction. If the Hindoo story
exhibits its "god of gods" in such a degrading
light, how much more honouring is the Papal story to the Son of
the Blessed, when it represents Him as needing to be pacified by
His mother exposing to Him "the breasts that He has
sucked." All this is done only to exalt the Mother, as
more gracious and more compassionate than her glorious Son. Now,
this was the very case in Babylon: and to this character of the
goddess queen her favourite offerings exactly corresponded.
Therefore, we find the women of Judah represented as simply "burning
incense, pouring out drink-offerings, and offering cakes to the
queen of heaven" (Jeremiah xliv. 19). The cakes were "the
unbloody sacrifice" she required. That "unbloody
sacrifice" her votaries not only offered, but when
admitted to the higher mysteries, they partook of, swearing anew
fidelity to her. In the fourth century, when the queen of heaven,
under the name of Mary, was beginning to be worshipped in the
Christian Church, this "unbloody sacrifice" also
was brought in. Epiphanius states that the practice of offering
and eating it began among the women of Arabia; * and at that time
it was well known to have been adopted from the Pagans. The very
shape of the unbloody sacrifice of Rome may indicate whence it
came. It is a small thin, round wafer; and on its roundness the
Church of Rome lays so much stress, to use the pithy language of
John Knox in regard to the wafer-god, "If, in making the
roundness the ring be broken, then must another of his
fellow-cakes receive that honour to be made a god, and the crazed
or cracked miserable cake, that once was in hope to be made a
god, must be given to a baby to play withal." * What
could have induced the Papacy to insist so much on the
"roundness" of its "unbloody
sacrifice"? Clearly not any reference to the Divine
institution of the Supper of our Lord; for in all the accounts
that are given of it, no reference whatever is made to the form
of the bread which our Lord took, when He blessed and break it,
and gave it to His disciples, saying, "Take, eat; this
is My body: this do in remembrance of Me." As little
can it be taken from any regard to injunctions about the form of
the Jewish Paschal bread; for no injunctions on that subject are
given in the books of Moses. The importance, however, which Rome
attaches to the roundness of the wafer, must have a reason; and
that reason will be found, if we look at the altars of Egypt. "The
thin, round cake," says Wilkinson, "occurs on
all altars." * Almost every jot or tittle in the
Egyptian worship had a symbolical meaning. The round disk, so
frequent in the sacred emblems of Egypt, symbolised the sun. Now,
when Osiris, the sun-divinity, became incarnate, and was born, it
was not merely that he should give his life as a sacrifice for
men, * but that he might also be the life and nourishment of the
souls of men. It is universally admitted that Isis was the
original of the Greek and Roman Ceres. But Ceres, be it observed,
was worshipped not simply as the discoverer of corn; she was
worshipped as "the MOTHER of Corn." * The
child she brought forth was He-Siri, "the Seed,"
or, as he was most frequently called in Assyria, "Bar,"
which signifies at once "the Son" and "the
Corn." * The uninitiated might reverence Ceres for the
gift of material corn to nourish their bodies, but the initiated
adored her for a higher gift--for food to nourish their
souls--for giving them that bread of God that cometh down from
heaven--for the life of the world, of which, "if a man
eat, he shall never die." Does any one imagine that it
is a mere New Testament doctrine, that Christ is the "bread
of life"? There never was, there never could be,
spiritual life in any soul, since the world began, at least since
the expulsion from Eden, that was not nourished and supported by
a continual feeding by faith on the Son of God, "in whom
it hath pleased the Father that all fulness should dwell" (Col.
i. 19), "that out of His fulness we might receive, and
grace for grace" (John i. 16). Paul tells us that the
manna of which the Israelites ate in the wilderness was to them a
type and lively symbol of "the bread of life;"
(1 Cor. x. 3), "They did all eat the same spiritual
meat"--i.e., meat which was intended not only to
support their natural lives, but to point them to Him who was the
life of their souls. Now, Clement of Alexandria, to whom we are
largely indebted for all the discoveries that, in modern times,
have been made in Egypt, expressly assures us that, "in
their hidden character, the enigmas of the Egyptians were VERY
SIMILAR TO THOSE OF THE JEWS." * That the initiated
Pagans actually believed that the "Corn" which
Ceres bestowed on the world was not the "Corn"
of this earth, but the Divine "Son," through
whom alone spiritual and eternal life could be enjoyed, we have
clear and decisive proof. The Druids were devoted worshippers of
Ceres, and as such they were celebrated in their mystic poems as "bearers
of the ears of corn." * Now, the following is the
account which the Druids give of their great divinity, under the
form of "Corn." That divinity was represented
as having, in the first instance, incurred, for some reason or
other, the displeasure of Ceres, and as fleeing in terror from
her. In his terror, "he took the form of a bird, and
mounted into the air. That element afforded him no refuge; for
The Lady, in the form of a sparrow-hawk, was gaining upon
him--she was just in the act of pouncing upon him. Shuddering
with dread, he perceived a heap of clean wheat upon a floor,
dropped into the midst of it, and assumed the form of a single
grain. Ceridwen [i.e., the British Ceres] took the form of a
black high-crested hen, descended into the wheat, scratched him
out, distinguished, and swallowed him. And, as the history
relates, she was pregnant of him nine months, and when delivered
of him, she found him so lovely a babe, that she had not
resolution to put him to death." * Here it is evident
that the grain of corn, is expressly identified with "the
lovely babe;" from which it is still further evident
that Ceres, who, to the profane vulgar was known only as the
Mother of "Bar," "the Corn," was
known to the initiated as the Mother of "Bar,"
"the Son." And now, the reader will be prepared to
understand the full significance of the representation in the
Celestial sphere of "the Virgin with the ear of wheat in
her hand." That ear of wheat in the Virgin's hand is
just another symbol for the child in the arms of the Virgin
Mother.
Now, this Son, who was symbolised as "Corn,"
was the SUN-divinity incarnate, according to the sacred oracle of
the great goddess of Egypt: "No mortal hath lifted my
veil. The fruit which I have brought forth is the SUN." *
What more natural then, if this incarnate divinity is symbolised
as the "bread of God," than that he should be
represented as a "round wafer," to identify
him with the Sun? Is this a mere fancy? Let the reader peruse the
following extract from Hurd, in which he describes the
embellishments of the Romish altar, on which the sacrament or
consecrated wafer is deposited, and then he will be able to
judge:--"A plate of silver, in the form of a SUN, is
fixed opposite to the SACRAMENT on the altar; which, with the
light of the tapers, makes a most brilliant appearance." *
What has that "brilliant" "Sun" to
do there, on the altar, over against the "sacrament,"
or round wafer? In Egypt, the disk of the Sun was
represented in the temples, and the sovereign and his wife and
children were represented as adoring it. Near the small town of
Babain, in Upper Egypt, there still exists in a grotto, a
representation of a sacrifice to the sun, where two priests are
seen worshipping the sun's image, as in the accompanying woodcut
* In the great temple of Babylon, the golden image of the Sun was
exhibited for the worship of the Babylonians. * In the temple of
Cuzco, in Peru, the disk of the sun was fixed up in flaming gold
upon the wall, * that all who entered might bow down before it.
The Paeonians of Thrace were sun-worshippers; and in their
worship they adored an image of the sun in the form of a disk at
the top of a long pole. * In the worship of Baal, as practised by
the idolatrous Israelites in the days of their apostacy, the
worship of the sun's image was equally observed; and it is
striking to find that the image of the sun, which apostate Israel
worshipped, was erected above the altar. When the good king
Josiah set about the work of reformation, we read that his
servants in carrying out the work, proceeded thus (2 Chron.
xxxiv. 4): "And they brake down the altars of Baalim in
his presence, and the images (margin, SUN-IMAGES) that were on
high above them, he cut down." Benjamin of Tudela, the
great Jewish traveller, gives a striking account of sun-worship
even in comparatively modern times, as subsisting among the
Cushites of the East, from which we find that the image of the
sun was, even in his day, worshipped on the altar. "There
is a temple," says he, "of the posterity of
Chus, addicted to the contemplation of the stars. They worship
the sun as a god, and the whole country, for half-a-mile round
their town, is filled with great altars dedicated to him. By the
dawn of morn they get up and run out of town, to wait the rising
sun, to whom, on every altar, there is a consecrated image, not
in the likeness of a man, but of the solar orb, framed by magic
art. These orbs, as soon as the sun rises, take fire, and resound
with a great noise, while everybody there, men and women, hold
censers in their hands, and all burn incense to the sun." *
From all this, it is manifest that the image of the sun above, or
on the altar, was one of the recognised symbols of those who
worshipped Baal or the Sun. And here, in a so-called Christian
Church, a brilliant plate of silver, "in the form of a
SUN," is so placed on the altar, that every one who
adores at that altar must bow down in lowly reverence before that
image of the "Sun." Whence, I ask, could that
have come, but from the ancient sun-worship, or the worship of
Baal? And when the wafer is so placed that the silver "SUN"
is fronting the "round" wafer, whose "roundness"
is so important an element in the Romish Mystery, what can be the
meaning of it, but just to show to those who have eyes to see,
that the "Wafer" itself is only another symbol
of Baal, or the Sun. If the sun-divinity was worshipped in Egypt
as "the Seed," or in Babylon as the
"Corn," precisely so is the wafer adored in Rome. "Bread-corn
of the elect, have mercy upon us," is one of the
appointed prayers of the Roman Litany, addressed to the wafer, in
the celebration of the mass. * And one at least of the imperative
requirements as to the way in which that wafer is to be partake
of, is the very same as we enforced in the old worship of the
Babylonian divinity. Those who partake of it are required to
partake absolutely fasting. This is very stringently laid down.
Bishop Hay, laying down the law on the subject, says that it is
indispensable, "that we be fasting from midnight, so as
to have taken nothing into our stomach from twelve o'clock at
night before we receive, neither food, nor drink, nor
medicine." * Considering that our Lord Jesus Christ
instituted the Holy Communion immediately after His disciples had
partaken of the paschal feast, such a strict requirement of
fasting might seem very unaccountable. But look at this provision
in regard to the "unbloody sacrifice" of the
mass in the light of the Eleusinian Mysteries, and it is
accounted for at once; for there the first question put to those
who sought initiation was, "Are you fasting?" *
and unless that question was answered in the affirmative, no
initiation could take place. There is no question that fasting is
in certain circumstances a Christian duty; but while neither the
letter nor the spirit of the Divine institution requires any such
stringent regulation as the above, the regulations in regard to
the Babylonian Mysteries make it evident whence this requirement
has really come.
Although the god whom Isis or Ceres brought forth, and who was
offered to her under the symbol of the wafer or thin round cake,
as "the bread of life," was in reality the
fierce, scorching Sun, or terrible Moloch, yet in that offering
all his terror was veiled, and everything repulsive was cast into
the shade. In the appointed symbol he is offered up to the
benignant Mother, who tempers judgment with mercy, and to whom
all spiritual blessings are ultimately referred; and blessed by
that mother, he is given back to be feasted upon, as the staff of
life, as the nourishment of her worshippers' souls. Thus the
Mother was held up as the favourite divinity. And thus, also, and
for an entirely similar reason, does the Madonna of Rome entirely
eclipse her son as the "Mother of grace and mercy."
In regard to the Pagan character of the "unbloody
sacrifice" of the mass, we have seen not little
already. But there is something yet to be considered, in which
the working of the mystery of iniquity will still further appear.
There are letters on the wafer that are worth reading. These
letters are I.H.S. What mean these mystical letters? To a
Christian these letters are represented as signifying, "Iesus
Hominum Salvator," "Jesus the Saviour of men." But
let a Roman worshipper of Isis (for in the age of the emperors
there were innumerable worshippers of Isis in Rome) cast his eyes
upon them, and how will he read them? He will read them, of
course, according to his own well-known system of idolatry: "Isis,
Horus, Seb," that is, "The Mother, the Child,
and the Father of the gods,"--in other words, "The
Egyptian Trinity." Can the reader imagine that this
double sense is accidental? Surely not. The very same spirit that
converted the festival of the Pagan Oannes into the feast of the
Christian Joannes, retaining at the same time all its ancient
Paganism, has skilfully planned the initials I.H. S. to pay the
semblance of a tribute to Christianity, while Paganism in reality
has all the substance of the homage bestowed upon it.
When the women of Arabia began to adopt this wafer and offer
the "unbloody sacrifice," all genuine
Christians saw at once the real character of their sacrifice.
They were treated as heretics, and branded with the name of
Collyridians, from the Greek name for the cake which they
employed. But Rome saw that the heresy might be turned to
account; and therefore, though condemned by the sound portion of
the Church, the practice of offering and eating this
"unbloody sacrifice" was patronised by the Papacy;
and now, throughout the whole bounds of the Romish communion, it
has superseded the simple but most precious sacrament of the
Supper instituted by our Lord Himself.
Intimately connected with the sacrifice of the mass is the
subject of transubstantiation; but the consideration of it will
come more conveniently at a subsequent stage of this inquiry.